Resist. Insist. Stand together. Build. Never Surrender.

On September 17th, 2011 Occupy Wall Street was born. A hundred people occupied Zuccotti Park in lower Manhattan and opened a space for imagination. We began to share food, clothing, and shelter. We sought refuge in the shell of a concrete jungle and found community. Inspired by our actions, occupations began throughout the globe. In a matter of months nearly all of them were crushed by the weight of repression and co-optation, but occupy cannot be stopped. It is a collective unleashing of anger and frustration at a dying capitalist system and points toward a new world. Let us create this world together. Read. Share. Distribute. Tidal.

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People talking about 'occupytheory':

Strike Debt and the Occupy Student Debt Campaign declare our solidarity with the students currently occupying the clock tower at Cooper Union, and with all those who demand free education for the 99% rather than a lifetime of indebtedness to the 1%. At night, the occupied clocktower glows red-- a beacon of rage and hope that radiates across the city like an ancient pharos.

Most immediately, the occupiers are protesting the decision made by the unaccountable Board of Trustees to introduce tuition for graduate studies -- a first step in eroding the historic mission of the institution to provide education "free as air and water," in the words of the school's founder.

We support the occupier’s demands:

1. Cooper Union maintains its commitment to free education
2. Cooper Union immediately implements increased financial transparency
3. That President Bharucha step down.

But the occupiers define their strike within an far broader sequence of struggles on the part of students around the city, the country, and the world against tuition-hikes, austerity, privatization, and predatory debt.

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Read more: The Clock Strikes Red: Strike Debt /Occupy Student Debt Campaign Declaration of Solidarity with...

November 6th, 2012

Today, we are told, we should go out and participate in the so-called political process: stand up and be counted, let our voices be heard, pick the man who supposedly best represents our interests. That is fine. We are not for or against it. We are agnostic. In truth, we are living and dying in another universe altogether--we are aliens from the future who recognize the perils and the promises of our latest disaster.

Ten days ago, the climate went on strike against Wall Street--and we all got flooded. The tide surged and the lights went out. Our friends and families, our neighbors and communities, our networks and allies were under water and in the dark. Our lives are at stake. We could not wait for the State. We had to step in.

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Read more: Election-Day Report : The People's Emergency

We’ve all been there--in that room, around that table, on that direct action--when some aspect of our differences threatens our ability to work (indeed our very presence) in the movement. The issue of how our processes, strategies and theories impact or are impacted by our differences sets the stage for fear, anger, guilt, confusion and hurt. All too often the work stops. Despite our many commonalities and what’s at stake, activists run into the destructive potential of difference early and often. But, difference should be anticipated, even welcomed. Moments of difference and potential conflict offer possibility to create deeper, more meaningful bonds. The key is to develop and implement strategies of engagement for ourselves and each other to prepare for when such moments of difference arise.

Few would argue that race is not one of the most complex issues that we deal with--constantly and with varying levels of success. When it comes up varies, but the answer to the question, “Will it come up?” remains the same: “Yes”. Our experience now teaches us to expect it. Our experience should also teach us that it is what we make of that moment that will determine whether the gathered bedfellows will become estranged or made stronger. The latter is possible only if the history of race in America. Whether we are bound by gender, sexual expression, disability, income inequality, language,
homelessness or injustice, our work falls victim to our inability to deal effectively with the inevitable race moment. Here are a few suggestions on how we can begin to transform potentially destructive race moments into opportunities to move toward to our political objectives:

(1) Recognize that the race moment is inevitable and it is important to do as much work to prepare for the race moment before it arises. The success of the movement depends on all of us working on our individual gaps and blinders.

(2) Develop a strategy for engaging the trauma of slavery, racism and difference discrimination before the race moment arises.

(3) When the race moment arises remember to have compassion for errors and missteps of those who you trust in other contexts.

(4) The notion that one should be free from error, discomfort or confusion when their approach to difference is at issue is oftentimes a manifestation of privilege.

(5) Recognize that all your work will probably not make the issue of race less uncomfortable. Remember that comfort is rarely, if ever, useful in progressive social change movements.

(6) The race issue cannot be understood, much less transformed/transformative, without meaningful engagement with the history of slavery in America.

(7) Commit to learning more about the relationship between slavery and the modern manifestations of race and difference than you do today. Make the same commitment tomorrow.

(8) Our various identities are an integral part of the movement, but identity politics can be distracting. For example, a common cause of the disutility of identity politics is that ways in which structures of oppression, like capitalism, can exploit and distort identity.

(9) The perception of scarcity of resources available to improve inequities along with our inability to deal successfully with difference has contributed to a sense that there is a pyramid of oppression.

(10) Develop a race moment reading list. A few highlights from my list are: John Hope Franklin, From Slavery to Freedom: A History of African Americans; Audrey Lorde, Sister Outsider; James Baldwin, Price of the Ticket; Angela Y. Davis, Race, Women and Class; Edward Said, Orientalism; Dorothy Roberts, Killing the Black Body; Elizabeth Spellman, Inessential Woman; Subcomandante Insurgente Marcos, Our Word is Our Weapon; Derrick Jensen, The Culture of Make Believe.

Additionally, beware of the following myths which frequently underlie and surface during a race moment:

(1) Antiracism work is the work of people of color.

(2) Imposing, evoking or experiencing white guilt is a necessary component of anti-racism work.

(3) People of color, LGBTQA, feminists etc., have sufficiently addressed issues of intra-group difference and oppression such as colorism, class, disability, gender inequities and homophobia.

(4) Regardless of the work at hand or the urgency of the work, processing our difference always takes priority.

(5) Race is at the top of the pyramid of oppression because slavery was only about race and racism.

On a final note, when the race moment arises expect the fear because of the unattended trauma that remains, but also have compassion for yourself and others who--despite the potential race-based angst in those moments--continue to come to the table, the rooms, the front line, the direct action in solidarity, commonality and difference to fight for transformative justice. Our commitment to thriving in those moments help us to move closer to realizing the potential of a diverse movement.

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"On Living" - Nazim Hikmet

FEBRUARY, 1948

I

Living is no laughing matter: 

you must live with great seriousness 

like a squirrel, for example— 

I mean without looking for something beyond and above living, 

I mean living must be your whole occupation. 

Living is no laughing matter: 

you must take it seriously, 

so much so and to such a degree 

that, for example, your hands tied behind your back, 

your back to the wall, 

or else in a laboratory 

in your white coat and safety glasses, 

you can die for people— 

even for people whose faces you’ve never seen, 

even though you know living 

is the most real, the most beautiful thing. 

I mean, you must take living so seriously 

that even at seventy, for example, you’ll plant olive trees-

and not for your children, either, 

but because although you fear death you don’t believe it, 

because living, I mean, weighs heavier. 

II 

Let’s say you’re seriously ill, need surgery - 

which is to say we might not get 

from the white table. 

Even though it’s impossible not to feel sad 

about going a little too soon, 

we’ll still laugh at the jokes being told, 

we’ll look out the window to see it’s raining, 

or still wait anxiously 

for the latest newscast ... 

Let’s say we’re at the front-

for something worth fighting for, say. 

There, in the first offensive, on that very day, 

we might fall on our face, dead. 

We’ll know this with a curious anger, 

but we’ll still worry ourselves to death 

about the outcome of the war, which could last years. 

Let’s say we’re in prison 

and close to fifty, 

and we have eighteen more years, say, 

before the iron doors will open. 

We’ll still live with the outside, 

with its people and animals, struggle and wind- 

I mean with the outside beyond the walls. 

I mean, however and wherever we are, 

we must live as if we will never die. 

III 

This earth will grow cold, 

a star among stars 

and one of the smallest, 

a gilded mote on blue velvet— 

I mean this, our great earth. 

This earth will grow cold one day, 

not like a block of ice 

or a dead cloud even 

but like an empty walnut it will roll along 

in pitch-black space . . . 

You must grieve for this right now 

-you have to feel this sorrow now-

for the world must be loved this much 

if you’re going to say “I lived” . . .